Showing posts with label Qinghai. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Qinghai. Show all posts

Introduction to the Petroleum and Mineral Deposits of the Tibetan Plateau Preliminary Database and Map

Friday, November 11, 2011

Tibetan Plateau blog published a preliminary map and database of petroleum and mineral deposits of the Tibetan Plateau. The map and the database seek to provide an overview of publically available information regarding petroleum and mineral deposits on the Tibetan Plateau. We hope to be able to produce future versions of increasing completeness and accuracy. As improvements are completed they will be made available on the Internet for the public to view and download without charge. Our approach has sought to avoid excessive technicalities while giving sufficient information that the lay public can better assess the actually and potential economic, human rights, and environmental effects of resource exploration, extraction and processing on the Tibetan Plateau. For those that want more detailed information on the deposits or the geology of the region a list of academic references is provided. While we have attempted to include names of the companies working on the various deposits, detailed information about the governmental and/or corporate organizations will have to be obtained elsewhere.


The Tibetan Plateau
The Tibetan Plateau in the PRC consists of the high altitude (generally over 3500 m.) region predominantly Tibetan culturally and historically. It consists of Tibet Autonomous region (Xizang), Qinghai, parts of Gansu, western Sichuan, and the northwest corner of Yunnan. Traditional Tibetan names for these areas being U-Tsang, Amdo, and Kham. Outside China the Tibetan Plateau extends into Ladakh, Spiti, Sikkim and Northeast India, as well as Mustang in Nepal. These are not considered in this map.

The following two maps created by the Environment and Development Desk of the Central Tibetan Administration in Dharamsala indicate the prefectures and counties of the Tibetan Plateau. The names given are those recognized by the Central Tibetan Administration.




The Databases
There are three databases in three Excel (.xls) spreadsheets: mineral deposits, salt lake and playa deposits, and petroleum deposits. The three databases have similar formats but have been separated as these different types of deposits are discovered and exploited differently.

Mineral deposits often require expensive exploration techniques, such as widespread stream, earth, and bedrock sampling, exploratory shafts, and diamond drilling. Both trenching and diamond drilling often leave surface modifications visible in Google Earth. Mines are either underground or open pit. They often can be recognized by the (blue roofed) buildings, evidence of exploration, a pit, and a tailings pond (an enclosed area where the waste material goes after processing the ore). Placer mining also often leaves visible traces such as pits and other damage to a river bed.

Salt lakes and playas (a deposit where the ancient salt lake has disappeared) are relatively easy to find and exploit. Tibetans have been exploiting salt lakes for salt, for trade and their own use, for hundreds of years. Basically all one needed to do is show up with a shovel and a means of getting the salt to the market. The relatively recent discovery that some salt lakes also include other valuable minerals like Lithium has added to the lakes' value. These additional minerals can be difficult to extract and could turn a simple, relatively clean operation into an environmental mess without proper application of environmental protection laws and technology. Officials are so often swayed by the opportunity to personally profit from a mining operation that it is unlikely that these will be applied. The Qiadam Basin in Qinghai contains a number of large salt lakes and playas, which have been exploited by the CCP since soon after the revolution.

Petroleum exploration is expensive, requiring large geological and geophysical surveys, and drilling at likely sites. It is carried by large organizations with deep pockets and close connections with the CCP, such as PetroChina. So far, on the Tibetan Plateau, the oil and gas have been found and extracted since the 1950's from the Qiadam Basin in Qinghai, but oil shale exploration is going on in TAR and China is currently looking forward to exploiting these deposits when oil prices get high enough to make it worthwhile.

"Opening Up the West"
Similar to the 19th century U.S. experience of occupying and assimilating the western region of North America through military intervention, subjection of the indigenous peoples, and immigration, in the late 1990s the PRC began a program of "Opening Up the West". This program included plans to build railways, roads, and airports in the western regions of China, the exploration and exploitation of mineral and petroleum resources, development of hydropower projects, and increased, mainly Chinese, tourism. These are supported on the plateau by a program to settle all nomads, forcing them to sell their stock and reside in villages built by the government, and immigration of Chinese workers to work at the mines, hydropower projects, and other construction projects. A thoroughgoing program of propaganda of suppressing outside observers, "patriotic reeducation", etc. while a presenting a "green" agenda and poverty aleviation as the motives to the world and the Chinese public is ongoing.

The plans have advanced considerable since the turn of the century. A railway from Golmud to Lhasa has been constructed, and other railways are in the works. Zangmu Hydropower Project, and many others are under construction throughout the plateau. The earlier small mines in Gyama have been consolidated into one large mine, and is presented as a model project, though it appears that considerable corruption of senior officials was involved. Many small mines operating, and mineral exploration projects are in progress on the plateau. Many of these are visible in Google Earth, or reported on in the media or Internet, even if there is no detailed written description of them available to the public. Primarily Chinese workers are employed on these projects. The local Tibetan population is poorly compensated for their loss of homes, pastures, farmland, or livestock. This type of behaviour is common in China, where CCP officials and their wealthy friends regularly push through mutually profitable projects at the expense of the people.

Hydropower and mining are intimately connected in the process of development. Electrical power is needed to operate mines, ore processing plants, smelters, and to provide some measure of comfort to attract immigrant workers. Mines provide the economic base to finance the hydropower projects, which are subsidized by Beijing.

The Contents of the Database
The database of deposits is in three .xls files, one for each of mineral deposits, salt lake and playa deposits, and petroleum deposits. The mineral deposit database is the real focus, but the others are important too. The minerals .xls file will be described.

The first column "Mapped?" simply indicates whether the deposit is on the map or not ("Y" or "N").

The second, third and fourth columns give the Name, Products, and Status of the deposit. There may be more than one Name given (e.g. "Deerni (Durngoi)").The Products are given in abbreviated form ("Au" rather than "Gold"). Status is one of ("Prospect", "Deposit", "Mine"). A Prospect is a deposit we are unsure about. A Deposit has known reserves for which there is good evidence. Either of these could be a mine but we don't know that at the time of publishing. A Mine is a deposit for which there is good evidence that it is being exploited. It may be small or large.

The next column, "Size", is a more complex measure of a deposit's significance. In general, we are treating Size as the amount of product the deposit contains (e.g. Cu 1.5 Mt), but more properly Size should take into account the Grade or the ore as well as how many tonnes have been proven (1% Cu X 50 Mt ore = 0.5 Mt Cu). The higher the Grade the cheaper the deposit is to exploit. The product is also important. For example, Gold is worth a lot more than Copper. 5 tonnes of gold is a Mine. 5 tonnes of copper is an Occurrence. Further, to give some indication of size where we don't have this information, the terms "Small", "Medium", and "Large" are used. The Geological Survey of Japan, along with their map of mineral deposits of Eastern Asia, has published a list of definitions for "Small, "Medium", and "Large" for different products. It classifies some deposits as Large that a practicing exploration geologist would consider small. For example, the Porphyry Copper deposits shown on the map, though Large by GSJ standards, are small by international mining standards (* PORPHYRY DEPOSITS, W.D. SINCLAIR, Geological Survey of Canada, 601 Booth Street, Ottawa)

The next three columns give the Province, Prefecture, and County of each deposit. Though inexact these give important location information. For example, we can tell who the local officials and administrators are, where the population lives relative to the deposit, what their source of incomes is, how many people there are, etc.. If coordinates are not currently available then this information also tells us where to look. Often Google Earth will reveal exploration or a mine once an approximate location is found. If nearby Chinese town/village names are also available then the Google Maps can help to give an even more precise location.

The following three columns give Latitude, Longitude, and Validity, a measure of the given location's accuracy: "GE", "vicinity", "estimated", and blank. A blank indicates we cannot give any supporting evidence that the location is correct, and currently are accepting a knowledgeable opinion. "Estimated" indicates the location is estimated from a map or other imprecise source, such as a Chinese academic article. These are rarely very precise as to deposit locations. "Vicinity" indicates the coordinates were given by a more or less reliable source of information, such as a journal article in the Western academic literature. "GE" indicates that in our opinion the given coordinates are exact (locates a point somewhere on the deposit), and if input to Google Earth will reveal the named deposit. The visible evidence may consist of a mine or signs of mineral exploration. Some cases are more certain than others. The coordinates are presented "as is". Corrections are welcome.

Some examples are:



The Yulong Mine showing the pit and blue roofed processing buildings. Coordinates are at the bottom left and the date of the image on the bottom right.



The Deerni Mine is an example of a much smaller operation than Yulong. Smaller mines are not difficult to find in Google Earth. Two photos showing the tailings pond and the processing plant were also found.



Qulong is a large (by Chinese standards), low grade Prophyry Copper-Gold deposit just east of Lhasa. The network of roads indicate the pattern of diamond drilling used to confirm the extent of the deposit.



The Chongjiang Porphyry Copper deposit is another example where in Google Earth the location of a deposit can be identified by the characteristic pattern of roads used for diamond drilling.



This map is from the 2003 Honglu Chinese website. Honglu was the Chinese company behind getting Continental Minerals involved in Xietongmen. It was also involved in arranging the Jiama Mine deal. The properties indicated were all listed several times with both Canadian and American securities regulators. Where we have no other information on the locations of the deposits these are examples of estimated locations.

The USGS has several large databases of mineral deposits around the world in the form of Google Earth kmz and kml files. Theseare several years old and do not use the latest available data. Where Google Earth has recent images available (obtained within the last few years), the coordinates given by the USGS, with a few exceptions, are found to be incorrect, but most likely in the vicinity of the named deposit. This claim is based on the experience of often being able to find in Google Earth a plausible deposit location in the vicinity of the USGS coordinates. The USGS kml and kmz databases may also fail sometimes by giving different coordinates for one deposit in different databases. In this case searching GE to locate the most plausible alternative is a necessity. Though the USGS website provides a site to send questions and requests for information, our experience is that when questions about accuracy of coordinates and inconsistency of kml databases about deposits on the Tibetan Plateau were made their China Specialist had no interest in correcting the errors in the USGS mineral deposit database. Though useful in a general way, the Geological Survey of Canada's kml database is sufficiently inaccurate with respect to coordinates that we stopped referring to it. A xls file can be downloaded from the Geological Survey of Japan. Though of interest, and doubtlessly the best data at the time, it wasn't particularly useful as well. Amateur deposit databases, such as that at mindat.org fared better, but like the USGS, GSC, GSJ databases are mainly based on coordinates given in academic articles, and are consequently only approximate. Despite this limitation, the USGS mineral deposit databases are invaluable. When used with Google Earth coordinates often can be corrected. Google Earth is constantly updating its database of satellite images and we believe in time every deposit of significance will be revealed by it.


Two examples of using Google Earth to investigate current issues.
1) Recent reports of extensive pollution from the area near Kumbum Gompa south of Xining in Qinghai were supported by GE images locating the large industrial area, a cement plant, and an open pit mine, all of which intersected the rivers on which the local population depended on and complained were being poisoned. The Google Earth views provide significant evidence of damage to the natural waterways.



2) In northern Yushu Prefecture, Qinghai, a large area called the Sanjiangyuan National Nature Reserve, has been set aside, it is said, to protect the grasslands and the sources of the Yellow, Yangtze and Mekong Rivers. Nomads of the region have been forced to settle and sell their herds. A Canadian company Inter-Citic, in a Joint Venture with the Qinghai Geological Survey Institute, is carrying out exploration for gold on the northwest edge of this reserve, and they report having discovered a large deposit just outside the reserve. In Google Earth we can see their camp, and the damage they have done to the grasslands as the result of mineral exploration. There is a stream next to their camp, and if you follow it enters the reserve and, eventually, the Yellow River. The evidence given by GE images suggests that Inter-Citic is polluting the sources of the Yellow River. The area they are in should be in the reserve, if a reserve is necessary at all. Going 50 km to the east, in the heart of the reserve, exploration trenches are visible in GE, very similar to the trenches Inter-Citic has made to expose the bedrock for sampling. This raises the questions as to who is doing this exploration and why is it being permitted.



The next three columns give references. In those cases where they are not particularly solid, think of them as a thread that may lead somewhere useful.

Finally, where we could, owners of the deposit are given. We were not always able to do this in the time we had available, but these columns indicate the direction we are heading. Once a company is identified the people behind it can be identified, then the relations between them. Forbes recently published an article stating 90% of the 1000 richest people in China are either in the CCP or are very closely connected with it. This fact, along with well known high level of corruption of Chinese officials, may explain more than politics or culture.

Areas of Interest
There are several regions which standout with respect to certain types of deposits.
The Qiadam Basin in Haixi prefecture of Qinghai is noted for its numerous large salt lakes and its petroleum deposits. These have been exploited by the PRC since the 1950s.

Just to the north of the Qiadam Basin is a gold belt, the best known mine being Tanjianshan which a Joint Venture between Eldorado Gold Corp of Vancouver, Canada, Qinghai Number One Geological Brigade and Dachaidan Gold Mine (Qinghai).

To the south in Yushu Prefecture of Qinghai is the Songpan - Ganze Mobile Belt, which is associated with gold deposits. The belt extends across Qinghai from the Xoh Nature Reserve, into the Tibetan areas of Sichuan. The noted deposit in this region is the Dachang gold deposit which is owned by Inter-Citic (Canada) and the Qinghai Geological Survey Institute. Inter-Citic reports about 40 tonnes of reserves proven and inferred. Xinhua reports it has 195 tonnes confirmed and "will have proven reserves of 300 tonnes by 2015” ("China says Tibetan gold mine amongst largest in Asia", Phayul, August 30, 2011). While the quantities are exaggerated, and the logic sloppy, what this (Xinhua publishing a promotional article of this sort) does suggest is that the Sanjiangyuan National Nature Reserve (SNNR) will be mined for gold at the very headwaters of the Yellow River. Similar gold deposits are expected to be found in the region. For example, 50 km. to the east, well within the SNNR, exploration trenches can be clearly seen.



A map published by Inter-Citic showing the locations of the Songpan-Ganze gold belt and the Dachang deposit.

In TAR several areas stand out with respect to particular minerals. Two of them, the Gangdese Porphyry Copper Belt extending east-west just north of the Yarlung Tsangpo in the region of Lhasa and the Yulong Porphyry Copper Belt extending north-south parallel to the Drichu from south Qinghai, through Qamdo into Yunnan, are clearly visible on the map. An additional Porphyry Copper belt may also exist in the Changtang.

A Lead-Zinc belt also follows the Nujiang. Chromium is found south the Yarlung Tsangpo in Shannon. There are a number of salt lakes in TAR but only Zabuye seems the only one to have been exploited profitably on any scale.

Information regarding Uranium deposits is a state secret in China. Two we know about are Zonglongde in Riwoche, Chamdo Prefecture, accidentally revealed in a China NetTV SEC filing, and No. 792 Uranium Mine in Thewo County, Gansu, reported in the media due to protests regarding its illegal reopening and resulting pollution. As well as Zonglongde, a number of other deposits in Chamdo mentioned in the China NetTV report are suspected to also be Uranium deposits: Yuqu, Panong, Qinong, and Gexiong. They were claimed to be deposits of minerals which are never extracted except as secondary products.

Internet Sources

ChinaMining

Hunter Dickinson (Continental Minerals, Shetongmon, Shigatse, TAR)

Eldorado (Tanjianshan, Haixi, Qinghai)

Geological Survey of Canada, World and Canadian Mineral Deposits

Geological Survey of Japan, Mineral Resources of East Asia

Google Earth Download

Inter-Citic (Dachang, Yushu, Qinghai)

Beijing Headman Mining Evaluation Firm

Huatailong, the company that operates the Gyama Mine
Mandarin Tools


mindat.org, mineralogical database

Phayul

Radio Free Asia

China Digital Times

U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, Corporate Filings Search

Canadian SEDAR

USGS Mineral Resources Data System (MRDS)

USGS Mineral Resources On-Line Spatial Data


References
ACADEMIC ARTICLE LIST

If an article concerns a particular deposit, or collection of deposits, the primary name the deposit will follow the names of the authors and year. For example for the Jiama Mine it would look like (author, year, Jiama)

A

(An Yin and T. Mark Harrison, 2000, Himalayan Tibetan Orogen)
An Yin and T. Mark Harrison
GEOLOGIC EVOLUTION OF THE HIMALAYAN TIBETAN OROGEN
Annu. Rev. Earth Planet. Sci. 2000. 28:211–80

B

(Bauer, K.; Childs, G., 2008)
Kenneth Bauer, Geoff Childs;
Demographics, Development, and the Environment in Tibetan Areas; 2008 - 04

C

(Chen Yongqing et al, 2008, Pulang)
Chen Yongqing, Huang Jingning, Liang Zhen
Geochemical Characteristics and Zonation of Primary Halos of Pulang Porphyry Copper Deposit, Northwestern Yunnan Province, Southwestern China
Journal of China University of Geosciences, Vol. 19, No. 4, p.371–377, August 2008

(Chengyou Feng et al, 2009, Tuolugou)
Chengyou Feng, Wenjun Qu, Dequan Zhang, Xingyan Dang, Andao Du, Daxin Li a, Hongquan She
Re–Os dating of pyrite from the Tuolugou stratabound Co(Au) deposit, eastern Kunlun Orogenic Belt, northwestern China
Ore Geology Reviews 36 (2009) 213–220

G

(X.X. Gu et al, 2002 et al, NW Sichuan Au)
X.X. Gu, J.M. Liub, O. Schulzc, F. Vavtarc, M.H. Zheng
Syngenetic origin for the sediment-hosted disseminated gold
deposits in NW Sichuan, China: ore fabric evidence
Ore Geology Reviews 22 (2002) 91– 116

(Guangming LI et al, 2006, Skarn Cu-Au±Mo Deposits)
Guangming LI, Kezhang QIN, Kuishou DING, Tiebing LIU, Jinxiang LI, Shaohuai WANG, Shanyuan JIANG and Xingchun ZHANG
Geology, Ar-Ar Age and Mineral Assemblage of Eocene Skarn Cu-Au±Mo Deposits in the Southeastern Gangdese Arc, Southern Tibet: Implications for Deep Exploration
RESOURCE GEOLOGY, vol. 56, no. 3, 315–336, 2006

(GUO Zu-jun et al, 2008, Qiangtang Petroleum)
GUO Zu-jun, LI Yong-tie, NAN Zheng-bing, YE He-fei
Relationship between deformation structure and petroleum accumulation and preservation, Qiangtang Basin, Tibet
PETROLEUM EXPLORATION AND DEVELOPMENT Volume 35, Issue 5, October 2008

H

(HE Shuye et al, 2009, Yazigou)
HE Shuyue,LI Dongsheng,LI Lianglin,QI Lanying and HE Shoufu
Re—Os Age of Molybdenite from the Yazigou Copper(Molybdenum) Mineralized Area in Eastern Kunlun of Qinghai Province,and Its Geological Significance
Geotectonica et Metallogenia V. 33, No. 2, 236-242, May 2009

(Hou Zengqian et al, 2003, Dongqinnong)
Hou Zengqian, Wang Liquan, Khin Zaw, Mo Xuanxue, Wang Mingjie, Li Dingmou, and Pan Guitang;
Post-collisional crustal extension setting and VHMS mineralization in the Jinshajiang orogenic belt, southwestern China. Ore Geology Reviews 22, 177-199; 2003

(Hou Zengqian et al, 2003, Yulong etc.)
HOU ZENGQIAN, MA HONGWEN, KHIN ZAW, ZHANG YUQUAN, WANG MINGJIE, WANG ZENG, PAN GUITANG, TANG RENLI;
The Himalayan Yulong Porphyry Copper Belt: Product of Large-Scale Strike-Slip
Faulting in Eastern Tibet; 2003

(Hou Zengqian et al, 2003, Yulong belt)
Hou Zengqian, Ma Hongwen, Khin Zaw, Zhang Yuquan, Wang Mingje, Wang Zeng, Pan Guitang, Tang Renli
The Himalayan Yulong Porphyry Copper Belt: Product of Large-Scale Strike-Slip Faulting in Eastern Tibet
Economic Geology Vol. 98, 2003, pp. 125–145

(Z.Q. Hou et al, 2004, Adakitic intrusives S Tibet)
Z.Q. Hou, Y.F. Gao, X.M. Qu, Z.Y. Rui, X.X. Mo
Origin of adakitic intrusives generated during mid-Miocene east-west extension in southern Tibet
Earth and Planetary Science Letters 220 (2004) 139-155

(Zengqian Hou et al, 2007, Sanjiang metallogenesis)
Zengqian Hou, Khin Zaw, Guitang Pan, Xuanxue Mo, Qiang Xu, Yunzhong Hu, Xingzhen Li
Sanjiang Tethyan metallogenesis in S.W. China: Tectonic setting, metallogenic epochs and deposit types
Ore Geology Reviews 31 (2007) 48–87

(Hou Zengqian, 2007, Yulong)
Hou Zengqian, Xie Yuling, Xu Wenyi, Li Yinqing, Zhu Xlangkun, Khin Zaw, G, Beaudoin, Rui Zongyao, HUang Wei, Luobu Ciren
Yulong Deposit, Eastern Tibet: A High-Sulfidation Cu-Au Porphyry Copper Deposit in the Eastern Indo-Asian Collision Zone
International Geology Review, Vol. 49, 2007, p. 235–258.

(HOU Zeng-qian et al, 2006, Tibetan Plateau Metallogeneses)
HOU Zeng-qian, MO Xuan-xu, YANG Zhi-ming, WANG An-jian, PAN Gui-tang, QU Xiao-ming, NIE Feng-un
Metallogeneses in the collisional orogen of the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau:Tectonic
setting, tempo-spatial distribution and ore deposit types
GEOLOGY IN CHINA Vol.33.No.2, Apr,2006

(Zengqian Hou et al, 2007, Sanjiang Metallogenesis)
Zengqian Hou, Khin Zaw, Guitang Pan, Xuanxue Mo, Qiang Xu, Yunzhong Hu, Xingzhen Li;
Sanjiang Tethyan metallogenesis in S.W. China: Tectonic setting, metallogenic epochs and deposit types; 2007

(Zengqian Hou et al, 2008, Gangdese porphyry copper belt)
Zengqian Hou, Zhiming Yang, Xiaoming Qu, Xiangjin Meng, Zhenqing Li, G. Beaudoin, Zongyao Rui, Yongfeng Gao, Khin Zaw;
The Miocene Gangdese porphyry copper belt generated during post-collisional extension in the Tibetan Orogen; 2008

(Zengqian Hou et al, 2009, REE Belt)
Zengqian Hou, Shihong Tian, Yuling Xie, Zhusen Yang, Zhongxin Yuan, Shuping Yin,
Longsheng Yi, Hongcai Fei, Tianren Zou, Ge Bai, Xiaoyu Li
The Himalayan Mianning–Dechang REE belt associated with carbonatite–alkaline
complexes, eastern Indo-Asian collision zone, SW China
Ore Geology Reviews 36 (2009) 65–89

(Zengqian Hou & Nigel Cook, 2009, Tibet Metallogenesis)
Zengqian Hou, Nigel J. Cook
Metallogenesis of the Tibetan collisional orogen: A review and introduction
to the special issue
Ore Geology Reviews 36 (2009) 2–24

(Hu Rui-Zhong, 2002, Carlin Au)
Hu Rui-Zhong, Su Wen-Chao, Bi Xian-Wu, Tu Guang-Zhi, Albert H. Hofstra
Geology and geochemistry of Carlin-type gold deposits in China
Mineralium Deposita (2002) 37: 378–392

J

(Jiajun Liu, 2002, Sichuan Au Deposits)
Jiajun Liu, Minghua Zheng, Jianming Liu, Xuexiang Gua,
Yufeng Zhou, Caixia Feng
Mechanical transport of metallogenic materials in endogenic hydrothermal solutions: evidence from the microspherules in micro-disseminated gold deposits, northwestern Sichuan, China
Ore Geology Reviews 22 (2002) 1 –16

(Jiankang Li et al, 2006, Jiajika)
Jiankang Li, Denghong Wang, Dehui Zhang, and Xiaofang Fu;
The Source of ore-forming Fluid in Jiajika Pegmatite Type Lithium Polymetallic Deposit, Sichuan Province. Acta Petrologica et Mineralogica [Yanshikuang Wuxue Zazhi] 25(1), 45-52; (2006)

(Jingwen Mao et al, 2002, Zhebo)
Jingwen Mao, Yumin Qiu, Goldfarb, R.J., Zhaochong Zhang, Garwin, S., and Ren Fengshou ;
Geology, distribution, and classification of gold deposits in the western Qinling belt, central China. Mineralium Deposita 37(3/4), (2002)

(Jinxiang Li et al, 2011, Duolong Bangongco)
Jinxiang Li, Kezhang Qin, Guangming Li, Bo Xiao, Junxing Zhao, Lei Chen
Magmatic-hydrothermal evolution of the Cretaceous Duolong gold-rich
porphyry copper deposit in the Bangongco metallogenic belt, Tibet: Evidence
from U-Pb and 40Ar/39Ar geochronology
Journal of Asian Earth Sciences 41 (2011) 525–536

K

(Khin Zaw et al, 2007, Deposit types of S. China)
Khin Zaw, Stephen G. Peters, Paul Cromie, Clive Burrett, Zengqian Hou
Nature, diversity of deposit types and metallogenic relations of South China
Ore Geology Reviews 31 (2007) 3–47

L

(Lafitte, G, 2007)
Gabriel Lafitte;
Current State of Mining in Tibet; 2007

(LI Guangming et al, 2005 ,Gangdese belt dating)
LI Guangming, RUI Zongyao, WANG Gaoming, LIN Fangcheng, LIU Bo, SHE Hongquan, FENG Chengyou, QU Wenjun
Molybdenite Re-Os dating of Jiama and Zhibula polymetallic copper deposits in Gangdese metallogenic belt of Tibet and its significance
MINERAL DEPOSITS May 2005

(LI Jian-kang et al, 2006, Jiajika)
LI Jian-kang, WANG Den-hong, ZHANG De-hui and FU Xiao-fang
The source of ore-forming fluid in Jiajika pegmatite type lithium polymetallic deposit,Sichuan Province
ACTA PETROLOGICA ET MINERALOGICA, Vol 25, No 1, Jan.2006

M

(MA Hui—ying, 2009. Xiaowolong)
MA Hui—ying,LIU Ji-shun,YIN Li—jun,LIU De-li,YANG Li—gon
Geological feature and exploration sign of Xiaowolong tin-iron—tungsten polymeallic deposit in Dulanxian in Qinghai province
MINERAL RESOURCES AND GEOLOGY V01.23,NO.4 Aug.2009

(Steffen Mischke, 2010, Qaidam Basin)
Steffen Mischke, Zhencheng Sun, Ulrike Herzschuh, Zizhen Qiao, Naida Sun
An ostracod-inferred large Middle Pleistocene freshwater lake in the presently
hyper-arid Qaidam Basin (NW China)
Quaternary International 218 (2010) 74–85

P

Stephen G. Peters, Warren J. Nokleberg, Jeff L. Doebrich, Walter J. Bawiec, Greta Orris, David M. Sutphin, and David R. Wilburn
Geology and Nonfuel Mineral Deposits of Asia and the Pacific
Open-File Report 2005 –1294C, U.S. Department of the Interior, U.S. Geological Survey

(Stephen G. Peters et al, 2005, USGS Mineral Deposits of Asia)

(SHE Hongquan et al, 2005, Gangdese skarn)
SHE Hongquan, FENG Chengyou, ZHANG Dequan, PAN Guitang, LI Guangming
Characteristics and metallogenic potential of skarn copper-lead-zinc polymetallic deposits in central eastern Gangdese
MINERAL DEPOSITS May 2005

Q

(Qu Xiaoming et al, 2007, Gangdese Porphyry Genesis)
Qu Xiaoming, Zengqian Hou, Khin Zaw, Li Youguo
Characteristics and genesis of Gangdese porphyry copper deposits in the southern Tibetan Plateau: Preliminary geochemical and geochronological results
Ore Geology Reviews 31 (2007) 205–223

R

S

(SHE Hong—quan et al, 2007, Ulan Uzhur)
Geological characteristics and genesis of the Ulan Uzhur porphyry copper deposit in Qinghai
SHE Hong—quan, ZHANG De—quan, JING xiang—yan, GUAN Jun,
ZHU Hua—pin, FENG cheng—you, LI Da一xin
GEOLOGY IN CHINA V01.34.No.2 Apr., 2007

(Shen Yongsheng et al, 2009, Hongshuihe)
SHEN Yong—sheng,WANG Xu—chun,ZHANG Yu·jie
Study on genesis and geological characteristics of Hongshuihe iron deposit in Qinghai province
MINERAL RESOURCES AND GEOLOGY V01.23,No.4 Aug.,2009

Shenghao Yan et al, 2003, Meiduo)
mindat

(SHE Hong—quan et al, 2007, Ulan Uzhur)
Geological characteristics and genesis of the Ulan Uzhur porphyry copper deposit in Qinghai
SHE Hong—quan,ZHANG De—quan,JING xiang—yan,GUAN Jun,
ZHU Hua—pin,FENG cheng—you,LI Da一xin
GEOLOGY IN CHINA V01.34.No.2 Apr.,2007

(Sihong Jiang et al, 2009, Mayum)
Sihong Jiang, Fengjun Nie, Peng Hu, Xinrong Lai, Yifei Liu
Mayum: an orogenic gold deposit in Tibet, China
Ore Geology Reviews 36 (2009) 160–173

(Singer, D.A. et al, 2008, Porphyry Cu Deposits)
Singer, D.A., Berger, V.I., and Moring, B.C.:
Porphyry copper deposits of the world: Database and grade and tonnage models, 2008. US Geological Survey Open-File Report 2008-1155; (2008)

T

(Taihe Zhou et al, 2002, Gold deposit in China)
Taihe Zhou, Richard J. Goldfarb, G. Neil Phillips
Tectonics and distribution of gold deposits in China – an overview
Mineralium Deposita (2002) 37: 249–282

(TANG Gao-lin et al., 2006, Liwu)
TANG Gao-lin,WANG Fa-qing,QOU Lin-lin;
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Y

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Geology, age, and fluid inclusions of the Tanjianshan gold deposit, western China:
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Geochronologic constraints on magmatic intrusions and mineralization of the Zhunuo porphyry copper deposit in Gangdese, Tibet
Chinese Science Bulletin, November 2007, vol. 52, no. 22, 3139-3147

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Zhenqing Li, Wei Gao
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system, Himalayan orogen
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Earthquake in Yushu

Wednesday, April 14, 2010

See the last section for ways you can donate to help with the relief work

A nice Tibetan song dedicated to the earthquake victims


Google has added some useful tools to support earthquake disaster relief in Yushu. And for regular real time updates (even better than tweeter), check this link. Here are some informative satellite images from google. Click to make images bigger.

GeoEye GE-1 high resolution satellite imagery of Yushu after the earthquake


USGS Shake Map showing different colors for different intensity levels of tremor


Surface acceleration


Damage intensity




Click on this link to see Kyegu Monastery relief work album. Lots of pictures.

Xinhua reports China is carrying out a geological reconnaissance for the rebuilding of the quake-hit township of Jyekundo, to be turned into "a plateau ecological tourist city."

Tibetan language map the region



Websites specifically dedicated to providing information on the ongoing situation and relief work:

Special website of local consortium of NGO's, now active in
Jiegu, Xining and Chengdu.

Plateau Perspectives is one the best sources of updates on the situation on the ground. See this special website.

University of Virginia also has a special website.



This photo of a girl reading her book in front of earthquake ruins is really something. Photo from pourmecoffee.com.



Al Jazeera report on cremations for the dead:



Here are three Google Earth images (Thanks Nima-la!) of the damaged dam near Thrangu (ཁྲ་འགུ་དགོན་ or "Changu" in Chinese media) monastery. The first two images show the town of Yushu (ཡུལ་ཤུལ / ཡུས་ཧྲུའུ) or Jyekundo (སྐྱེ་རྒུ་མདོ) at an altitude of 3,685m and the dam located South, upstream at an altitude of 3,800m. The second is a close image of the dam. This report from The Independent says that "Emergency officials said the dam could burst at any time, putting 100,000 people in danger". This dam is like a time bomb that might cause another tragedy. I urge governments, groups and citizens of China to urge China to use its resources to gradually empty the reservoir, secure the dam and take people living downstream away to safer areas.








The following images are from a Chinese language blog.







For more images from the same source (warning: disturbing images of dead victims), click here

lhatseri tweets: "Tibetan language blogs sites from PRC have been blocked. No posts about the earthquakes."

Death toll rises to 589, according to China Daily

A "Letter from China" in the New Yorker talks about China's news censorship about the earthquake

The International Rivers has raised timely concerns about dam safety and questioned the sensibility of proposed dam projects in the region.

A set of still images from the Telegraph also shows aid work going to the region.

This New York Times video shows a different set of clips.

High Peaks Pure Earth has translated Tibetan netizen reactions to the earthquake. More here.

Chinese language CCTV report


Two English language news reports available on youtube:





For more information, see these stories from Xinhua and BBC. For technical information about the tremors, see this US Geological Survey site.


==================
SUPPORT RELIEF WORK BY DONATING TO ORGANIZATIONS THAT WORK IN THE REGION

1. Donate to Tibetan Village Project's earthquake relief fund by clicking here

2. Another NGO working locally is Machik. You can donate to Machik's earthquake relief fund by clicking here

3. Tibet Foundation



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ALL of the nomads in Amdo region (Qinghai) to be resettled

Tuesday, April 28, 2009

This is a quick post to share a published source of a disturbing piece of information. This blog has several postings on the topic of resettlement of Tibetan nomadic herders. You can read them here and here. In another posting, I asked readers to share data (numbers) on actual government resettlement plans in Amdo (Qinghai) region.

A reader who wishes to remain anonymous pointed out an article by David Goodman published in 2004, in The China Quarterly, titled "Qinghai and the Emergence of the West: Nationalities, Communal Interaction and National Integration" (Vol. 178, pp: 379-399). On page 61 of this article, there is a disturbing sentence: "The [Qinghai] provincial government’s goal is to settle all nomads by 2011, claiming to have completed the process experimentally in Hainan district by the end of 2001."


If it is true that government plans to resettle ALL nomadic herders in the region, I wonder why people -- including experts I have consulted -- did not know or tell me about it?! Very strange.

Anyways, for further information, David Goodman's source for that information is: Wei Xingguo and Jing Fachang, “Hainan mumin quanbu shixian dingju” (“Hainan herdsmen now live in settlements”), Qinghai ribao, 28 January 2002, p. 1.
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The Qinghai Lake eco-environmental protection and comprehensive management project

Monday, March 23, 2009


Map source: QInghai Province website

In May 2008, the government of Qinghai Province launched the 10-year project to restore the ecological integrity of Lake Kokonor (called Tso Ngon by Tibetans, མཚོ་སྔོན་) region. Key environmental protection objectives include protection of wildlife biodiversity, wetlands and the grasslands of the region, which are believed to be threatened by global warming, desertification, human encroachment, over-grazing by yaks and sheep, and also by rodents and pests.

The project area is 30,000 square kilometers in size and comes with a promissory central government funding of $227 million. This project follows the example of a larger conservation project in the same province, the Three Rivers Headwaters Nature Reserve.

Measures to achieve project goals include planting trees and shrubs, controlling rodents and insect pests, and curtailing grazing on grasslands by fencing and "ecological migration" of nomadic herders living in the region.

Plantation of trees and shrubs sounds fine but I wonder what species of plants are being used and if these are sustainable considering local ecology.

Government measures to control rodents on the Tibetan Plateau have been controversial. The mainstream assumption of the government, supported by many local people, is that rodents, which have been found to be rapidly increasing in population, are causing grassland degradation and are competing for forage with livestock. The three main rodent species are plateau pikas (Ochotona curzoniae), voles (Microtus brandti), and zokors (Myospalax baileyi). The government has undertaken many poisoning campaigns to exterminate these little animals in the last few decades. The rodenticides not only killed target animals but also many other species of plants and animals.

In 1999, an important study was published in the journal of Animal Conservation by Andrew Smith and Mark Foggin that shattered the logic of this poisoning campaign. Smith and Foggin argued that the plateau pikas are a "keystone species" which provide essential ecosystem functions to the Tibetan Plateau. The animals are a major food source for wolves, brown bears and most of the large predatory birds of the plateau. The scientists also found that many nesting bird species use pika burrows as shelters for breeding. The increasing number of rodents on the Tibetan Plateau are a symptom, not a cause of environmental degradation.

Another important study by a team of scientists found that grazing is not the cause of rangeland degradation on the Tibetan Plateau but climate warming. Research experiments found that simulated grazing actually dampens loss of plant species diversity caused by climate warming. The team of scientists have also published an argument in the journal Ecological Applications.

There are a ton of studies that have looked at the implications of fencing of Tibetan rangelands. My advisor Tsering Shakya once told me that the academic/scientific consensus on the topic clearly show that the policy has been a disastrous failure. I have read reports from wildlife scientists such as the one here by noted biologist George Schaller who argue that fencing causes problems for many endangered animals such as the Tibetan Antelope (Pantholops hodgsonii) and the Tibetan gazelle (Procapra przewalskii). These animals and the local people prefer their grasslands to be open without fences. This study, for example, indicates fencing actually exacerbating overgrazing and causing health problems among Tibetan pastoralist communities.

I think the most important perspective on this topic would be those of the nomads who are directly affected by the projects. My colleagues at TEAM will be interviewing some of these people. If anyone else have any information or insights to share, please let me know.

Before I end this blog, I want to mention about two earlier posts relating to the project area. One was about a government edict which admits there is a problem of illegal gold mining in the region. We also translated a news story about skirmish between nomads and fisherman near the lake.
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Accuracy of Three Rivers Headwaters Nature Reserve Map

Sunday, March 22, 2009

A friend just forwarded a link to Chinese language maps of Three Rivers Headwaters (San Jiang Yuan) Nature Reserve and "Qinghai Lake eco-environmental protection and comprehensive management project". This link is from the official website of Qinghai Province. Here is its SNNR map.




I am pleased to say that the map of SNNR confirms the accuracy of the SNNR map that was released on this blog last month (February 2009). Of course, our map provides more details, including demarcation of zoning systems within the subareas of the reserve.

I will post a separate blog about the map of Qinghai Lake eco-environmental protection and comprehensive management project" since this is the first time I am writing about it.
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Qinghai edict on the ban on mining of gold powder

Saturday, March 7, 2009

While going through Tibetan language blogs, I came across a notice issued by the Qinghai Provincial Government on the ban on mining of gold powder. The blog was posted on January 30, 2009. I don't know when the edict was issued, nor have I seen the text of the original Chinese source. Some readers may still find the document of interest, so here are screen shots of the original document (only) along with an English translation of the text. This document proves that the government acknowledges there are mining problems in Qinghai, specifically in Drito and Zato counties of the Three Rivers Headwaters Nature Reserve. It is also interesting to note that mining (or collecting) gold powder is not banned completely. The ban is mainly for miners from other provinces.





Edict on the Ban on Mining of Gold Powder issued by the Qinghai Provincial Government

The ecological system of the Tibetan plateau is so fragile that it cannot be restored after it has been damaged. Therefore, in order to protect the natural environment around the [headwaters] of the three rivers and maintain sustainable development in the three river basins, the provincial Government of Qinghai has issued [the following] edict.

One
All the mining areas in the Dokha and Kyikha valleys of Padma county and Dzatod in the Khridu county run by prospectors from outside provinces should be closed immediately.

Two
The Forestry Department, Environmental Protection Bureau, Department of Animal Husbandry and Legal Department in different levels in the region must launch a campaign on the protection of the natural resources and promote awareness of environmental protection among the local people.

Three
All the local governments [are responsible for posting billboards about] environment protection along the highways.

Four
Town governments are responsible for preventing its people from digging gold powder and for providing advice and helping them to establish certain environmental protection regulations in accordance with their cultural tradition.

Five
Different levels of government in the region should actively engage with the protection task and not only lead the local people toward the path of economic development but also encourage them to enhance their living standard through greater agricultural and pastoral production as well as other small industries.

Six
Mining areas in Dokha and Kyikha of Padma County and Dzatod in Khritod county should be managed according to the environmental protection law designated by the regional government.

Seven
The legal branch offices responsible for natural resource management at different levels of government in the region must impose rules on the prevention of digging natural resources and those who violate the law should be punished according to the Management Regulation of Natural Resources of Qinghai Province and other regulations issued by the government.
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Settlement vs. Resettlement

Tuesday, February 24, 2009

Some people responded to my last blog post with more information that I want to share with readers.

1. There are many kinds of housing projects that are being built for herders and farmers on the Tibetan Plateau. So unless someone cross-checks the numbers on the ground, it is difficult to figure out exactly how many herders have been resettled.

2. A couple of friends (Thanks again!) brought to my attention that the Reuters article discussed in my previous blog post talks about 'settlement' (ding ju) of herders, which is different from 'resettlement' (yi min) of herders. Settlement likely means simply building permanent houses at the winter pastures where villagers live -- which is not in any way as serious as "resettlement" or "ecological migration" where herders are removed to new areas as in the case of the Three Rivers Headwaters Nature Reserve.

4. Speaking of 'ecological migration,' What happens to all the yaks when the nomads are forced to resettle? It seems like many sell the animals as they are suppose to do, while others leave their yaks with relatives for keeps. I don't have any credible or interesting story about the fate of these animals. Please share any information you may have on this issue.

3. Some housing projects are simply replacing traditional mud houses with houses made of bricks. This project is more prevalent in Tibet Autonomous Region, where, in total, 860,000 farmers and herders from 170,000 families have moved into the new houses by the end of 2008. According to this Xinhua article , "another 312,000 farmers and herders from 57,800 families moved from shanty homes into new solid brick houses in Tibet [Autonomous Region] this year under a government-subsidized housing project aimed at improving living conditions."

As much as I think this is a tragedy in terms of losing traditional architecture (its cheaper, locally more suitable, environmentally more sustainable, better insulation for Tibet's cold winter, aesthetically more beautiful, etc, etc.), these brick houses are popular among Tibetans. I have seen this trend among Tibetan Buddhist farmers of Ladakh and in Spiti Valley in India. While many of these farmers tend to prefer houses made of bricks with corrugated tin roof as modern and reject their traditional mud houses as pre-modern, many local leaders are clearly concerned about implication of these changes.


[Traditional Tibetan architecture in the Western Himalayas. Photo: Tashi Tsering]
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Snuffing out the nomads?

Monday, February 23, 2009

A friend brought this Reuters article to my attention. He was baffled by the sheer number of Tibetan herders that the article says will be relocated. According to the article, there are 530,000 nomads in Western Sichuan Province, out of which 470,000 herders will be resettled in the name of environmental protection. If these numbers are true, that's the last of the nomads in Sichuan. He said this is effectively "a kind of nomad genocide.” Although I never thought of this as such, I was pleased to see that at least someone was paying attention to this issue.

As evident from my earlier postings, I have been very concerned about the many large scale ecological resettlement projects going on in Tibet. To me, this is a far more serious issue than the high profile topics such as Hillary Clinton’s China visit or the arrest of monk protestors. Precisely because the resettlement project is a low profile, politically-correct sounding policy in the context of environmental protection, I think it is one of the most far-sighted strategies of the Chinese state to deal with several serious problems on the Tibetan Plateau at the same time. As the saying goes, "Kill many birds with one stone".



China has designated many areas on the Tibetan Plateau for different environmental protection goals. Local people living in these regions are usually forced to sell their yaks and then resettled somewhere. I haven’t dug into the numbers yet, but it is clear from Xinhua and other official reports that several hundred thousand people, mostly nomads and pastoralists, are being resettled from these “protected” areas. This Science magazine article, for example, talks about government plans for the “ecological migration” of nomadic herders living around Kokonor Lake (Tso Ngon) to restore the region’s “degraded” ecology. The power of scientific and environmental discourse makes these projects sound like noble endeavors. How could anyone oppose protection of wetlands, lakes, and endangered animal species?

There are other benefits of resettling Tibetan herders. The government wants to provide access to education, health, postal system and other development schemes in every corner of the country. Promotion of economic development, especially in politically volatile regions, is an important technique for promoting state legitimacy. The Tibetan herders have been a major problem to state policy makers in this regard. Statistics reflect these people poorly on both economic and human development scales, for which the government receives a lot of criticism, but it is difficult for the government to provide them access to development due to their nomadic and subsistence lifestyle. So settling them in housing colonies is one obvious way of dealing with this problem.

The Tibetan nomadic lifestyle is the heart of the traditional Tibetan economy, which is reliant on herding of yaks, goats and sheep. The nomadic lifestyle represents the symbolic spirit of Tibet to many people. Romantic notions of Tibetan nomadic life are popular not only among Tibetans and Western sympathizers but also among Chinese people. The government could not have settled the nomads by calling their lifestyle “backward” or “primitive”, as it was done in the past. The perfect excuse to do this, thus, is within the context of environmental protection. Rallying support for environmental protection on the Tibetan Plateau is easy. Tibet is known for its “biodiversity hotspots”, pristine lakes, old growth forests, “fragile grasslands”, and for being “China’s Water Tower.” And resettling people from nature reserve parks is not a new idea but a well tested strategy. States around the world have declared many areas inhabited by troublesome indigenous peoples as nature reserves in order to control and assimilate them into the political economy.

The real issue is not about a clash between romantic notions of the Tibetan nomadic lifestyle and state development. It is about choices, whether the herders have a say in the policies that shape their lives. Do the herders have a choice whether to resettle or not? The issue is also about scientific management. Is it scientifically appropriate to remove herders and halt grazing on the Tibetan Plateau? Julia Klein, a scientist who specializes in climate change impact on grasslands of the Tibetan Plateau, says that the ecology of the region “is a system that has evolved with grazing; the removal of grazing from the system could have profound ecological consequences.”

Going back to the topic of “nomad genocide,” I wonder if anyone has actually done some research on the numbers. I can only hope the figures quoted in the Reuters article are inaccurate or exaggerated. I wonder how many people have really been resettled so far, and how many more are yet to be resettled? If any of you readers have any information, please share. Thanks for reading this, and spread the word!
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Village headman's home attacked

Sunday, February 1, 2009


Following is translation of a Tibetan language blog entry about "An incident near Kokonor Lake (News)" that was posted on January 22, 2009. Lake Kokonor is called མཚོ་སྔོན་ (Tso Ngon) in Tibetan. Tso Ngon means Blue Lake. The Chinese also has the same name in their language, which is Qinghai for Blue Lake. Lake Kokonor is the largest lake on the Tibetan Plateau (and in China). Reports indicate that the lake is shrinking due to climate warming, desertification and human encroachment.

[Photo courtesy of Wikipedia]

"An incident near Kokonor Lake (news)"
by Samten la



In recent years, an increasing number of fishermen around Amdo's Lake Kokonor have been catching a lot of fish and occupying pastures around the lake which belong to the region's nomads. So recently, the headman of Mogra village told the fishermen that they cannot fish here anymore and must immediately go away from the region. That night around seven to eight men, carrying different weapons with their faces covered in black cloth, came to the headman's house. Luckily the headman was not home that night. But the masked men severely assaulted the whole family and damaged their motorcycle and car and ran away. Next day on hearing the news, more than a thousand local people gathered and called for the fishing activity to stop immediately and asked them to go back. When a fight was about to break, the police came and arrested the suspects who came to kill the headman and the local nomads went home.

[end]
Translated by Yungdung Nyima of www.ecotibet.org
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Commercialization of Tibetan medicine in China

Monday, May 30, 2005



Below are two brief articles that were published in Trin-Gyi-Pho-Nya [སྤྲིན་གྱི་ཕོ་ཉ་]. The first article by Tashi Tsering expresses concerns for the social, environmental and the long-term sustainability implications of the Tibetan medical system due to its commercialization. In response, Tsultrim Gyaltsen provides some thoughtful suggestions on dealing with the situation, including payment of royalty fees for using plants from the Tibetan environment and the necessity of regulation being in the hands of people who possess the knowledge system.

Designing Modernization To Promote Traditional Tibetan Medicine
By Tashi Tsering
Source: Trin-Gyi-Pho-Nya [སྤྲིན་གྱི་ཕོ་ཉ་], Tibet Justice Center, Vol. 2, No. 6, January 2005.

Tibetan medicine has become a lucrative business yielding million-dollar profits to large pharmaceutical companies in China. Various new policies have been instituted to standardize the production and distribution of Tibetan medicinal products, mainly for commercial and bureaucratic reasons. These new policies are proving to be a debilitating legal framework for the persevering practitioners of the unique Buddhist healing tradition.

According to a study, there are 75 pharmaceutical companies dealing with Tibetan medicine in various corners of the Tibetan Plateau, out of which 30 are run by Tibetans. While the spiritual guidelines of making medicine according to the Buddhist medical texts – Gyushi – are increasingly compromised with the onslaught of industrial production of Tibetan medicine, an interesting issue that comes to point is regarding the efficacy of the healing powers of these medicine. “Amchi (Tibetan doctor) makes medicine to heal the patient but the pharmaceutical companies make medicine to reap profits,” explained a concerned Tibetan doctor from Amdo (now incorporated in Qinghai Province).

New government regulations require all Tibetan doctors to go through a cumbersome registration process. When approved, they are allowed to sell medicine, but only to their private patients. Rinchen-Tsotru-Dashel, a pill that normally costs 20 yuan, is now being sold for 50 yuan by pharmaceutical companies.

“Soon, we will be barred from producing these medicines as Chinese companies are gaining patents over different Tibetan medicines,” said the doctor. To the Tibetan people, the long-term issues involve the survival of this centuries-old healing tradition, as well as the access members of the community have to the tradition. Surely the ultimate subversion of the Tibetan medical tradition would be if the Tibetan people themselves were forced to purchase medicine invented by their own culture and made from their own land, at a higher cost, and from a Chinese company because of a contrived patent system set-up to benefit large industries to the exclusion of local practitioners.

Commercialization of Tibetan medicine also has environmental consequences. Most of Tibetan medicine’s plant ingredients are rare herbs that are endemic to Tibet’s high mountains. Currently, there are no mechanisms in place to check indiscriminate harvesting of these species. The commercialization of Tibetan medicine has dramatically increased demands for these ingredients, resulting in the widespread, unsustainable removal of certain plant species. Utpal Ngonpo (Blue poppy, meconopsis sp.), marketed as a cure for Hepatitis B by Chinese companies, is one such rare plant species that the Tibetan doctor fears might not survive if the current rate of harvesting continues.

The challenge for policy makers in China is not just the integration Tibetan medicine into the mainstream economy and modes of production, but also the preservation and promotion of a unique tradition of medical knowledge and expertise. While greater access to, and availability of, Tibetan medicine is a worthwhile goal, it will mean very little if the tradition which produced it is swallowed up and destroyed in the process.
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Response from Tsultrim Tsering Gyaltsen
Source: Trin-Gyi-Pho-Nya [སྤྲིན་གྱི་ཕོ་ཉ་], Tibet Justice Center, Vol. 3, No. 1, March 2005.

Regarding your last editorial, "Designing Modernization To Promote Traditional Tibetan Medicine," there are some issues that should be given consideration for all parties involved at the practice or production level in "traditional" Tibetan medicine.

The plants and substances used in Tibetan medicine are also part of the fabric of life particular to Tibet and therefore a part of the heritage of the Tibetan people. The fact is that companies selling Tibetan medicines are not only profiting from the knowledge of Tibetan medicine but are also using the actual plants integral to the wholeness of the land. In consequence, I suggest the following two conditions.

1) There should be strict limits established regarding the sustainable harvest of these plants and that all companies, in some fair way, should share in that supply and those restrictions.
2) Non-Tibetan owned companies should pay a royalty fee for using plants from the Tibetan environment. When companies substitute foreign plants for native Tibetan plants then the resultant production should not be called Tibetan medicine.

Such measures could insure benefit for future generations in three ways.

1) The integrity of the environment would be assured by mitigating potential environmental damage from overuse.
2) They would create an economic basis for the enforcement of those regulations.
3) There would be an ongoing source of funds to support further research and training in all aspects of the tradition of Tibetan medicine.

Furthermore regarding the production of medicines the traditional texts often specify many conditions under which the ingredients for the medicines were to be collected, handled, and prepared. The texts may state, for example, that certain plants are to be collected only in certain months because their medicinal properties are then active, or that some medicines were only collected from north facing slopes, or in a certain season, or at night, or during a certain phase of the moon. These are some of the many subtleties that, in combination, make Tibetan medicine effective. It does not suffice for a manufacturer to have a list of ingredients that can be haphazardly combined to hopefully produce a positive result.

If what is called a "Tibetan medicine" is in the sole judgment of physicians, fully qualified in the Tibetan medical tradition, to be found to be of diminished quality, efficacy, or that it has a negative consequence for the environment as a result of its production, that product and its producer should be made to conform to traditional practice or the production should be discontinued.

Furthermore if the Tibetan medical system is to be regulated it should be done from the bottom up, not the top down. It must be put under the supervision of those who are intimately familiar with the traditional training and all of the prerequisites for the qualification of doctors and the production of the medicines. In such case, there should be assembled a congress of knowledgeable and qualified Tibetan doctors to establish the requirements for the formulation of the compounds used and the practice of the traditional medicine.

Regulation should come only from within the ranks of those who have an intimate understanding of the tradition and not by governmental officials or profit driven companies who know little or nothing of its nuances. The members of that congress should provide certification for a qualifying product that the product has been produced in accord with tradition and is an "authentic Tibetan medicine." This is the only way to insure the continued efficacy of the medicines and to prevent the bastardization of the Tibetan medical tradition for profit.

With this approach the twin goals of establishing standards of practice and production would be accomplished along with the guarantee of the preservation of all of the many nuances of understanding that are critical to the authentic continuation of the tradition.

A final point is that all names traditionally used for medicines should be part of the public domain. They should be available for use to anyone who produces medicines in accord with the above standards. They must not belong to any single company who could disenfranchise other legitimate producers of traditional medicines simply by controlling the rights to the names.
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